Democracy needs civil society to thrive

Bangladeshi civil society recently demonstrated its strength during the July-August uprising. When the coordinators of the anti-discrimination student movement were arrested in July 2024, civil society groups – including university teachers, artists, journalists and human rights defenders – mobilized to demand their release. Their protests drew attention to human rights abuses such as brutal crackdowns and arbitrary arrests, strengthening public resolve. Despite oppressive measures such as shutting down the internet, evacuating university dormitories and nightly crackdowns on protesters, civil society actions became a rallying force that propelled the movement in late July.

This enthusiastic intervention stands in stark contrast to the broader inaction of civil society over the past decade. From 2013 to mid-2024, Bangladesh saw flawed elections, rampant corruption, forced shutdowns, and system governance failures. While civil society organizations such as Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), Center for Policy Dialogue (CPD), Center for Governance Studies (CGS) and a few others have continued to raise alarms, many professional networks and NGOs remained silent or complicit. in line with the former administration’s “development” narrative. This raises critical questions about the role of civil society in promoting democratic accountability.

Several factors have contributed to the decline of civil society influence in Bangladesh. Repressive laws, including Section 57 of the ICT Act and its successor, the draconian Digital Security Act (DSA), fueled fear and self-censorship. These laws, with their vague provisions criminalizing actions deemed offensive or harmful to public order, were deployed as weapons to silence dissent. Similarly, the Law on the Regulation of Foreign Donations (2016) gave authorities significant control over the activities of NGOs, limiting initiatives critical of government policy. These restrictions, combined with bureaucratic delays, undermined the independence of many NGOs.

In addition, funding constraints further weakened civil society. Most NGOs in Bangladesh rely heavily on foreign donations, which often prioritize service-based programs such as health and education over rights-based initiatives that promote democracy and governance. Already resource-strapped, grassroots organizations struggle to survive in such an environment. Tight oversight by the Office of Non-Governmental Affairs exacerbates these challenges by delaying or denying approval of funding for initiatives that deviate from the government’s narrative. This dependence on external funding and an overly regulated approval process limits the ability of NGOs to boldly advocate for human rights and accountability.

Bangladesh’s challenges reflect a global trend of shrinking citizens. According to CIVICUS, the country’s citizenship status has been downgraded to “closed”, ranking it among the most restricted in Asia last year. Crackdowns on activists, journalists and the opposition ahead of the January 2024 national elections contributed to this decline. Several studies and indicators echo these findings, showing significant barriers to human rights, transparency and anti-corruption efforts by NGOs. While Bangladesh excels in service-oriented activities, its civic sphere of rights-based advocacy has been increasingly limited over the years. The July uprising, marked by massive bloodshed and sacrifice, successfully ousted the autocratic regime on August 5 and raised hopes for the reopening of civic facilities. The interim government is trying to restore these conditions, but the deep division of society poses significant challenges that require long-term time and effort. However, repeated mass lynchings remain a major concern, hindering the development of a liberal and inclusive civil society.

Historically, civil society has been an important part of promoting democracy worldwide. In Poland, the Solidarity Movement opposed the communist regime and led democracy. In South Africa, civil society organizations and grassroots activists dismantled apartheid through decades of advocacy. The American civil rights movement, led by groups such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, made significant gains for racial equality. Similarly, the Indian National Congress began as a civil society-led initiative that mobilized the non-violent movement led by Gandhi to secure independence and lay the foundations for democratic governance. Bangladesh itself has a proud history of civil society-led change. Organizations such as BRAC and Grameen Bank have made significant contributions to poverty alleviation and women’s empowerment and have received global recognition. However, in recent years, many professional groups – journalists, academics and cultural figures – have put personal gain ahead of their role as defenders of democracy.

Addressing these gaps requires a multifaceted approach to revitalizing the capacity and independence of civil society. Diversification of funding sources is crucial. Excessive dependence on foreign donors sometimes compromises the autonomy of NGOs and exposes them to political interference. Domestic charity and corporate social responsibility initiatives can bridge this gap and promote sustainable funding models. Encouraging local donations can also strengthen the accountability of NGOs to their communities.

The government must also create a favorable environment for civil society. This means repealing or reforming restrictive laws such as the DSA (renamed the Cyber ​​Security Act a year ago) and the Foreign Donations Regulation Act, which stifle dissent and undermine the independence of NGOs. Although the government channels a significant portion of donor funds to NGOs, widespread corruption in allocation often directs resources to organizations less likely to challenge authority. Policy reforms are urgently needed to ensure transparency and direct these funds to initiatives that hold government accountable and benefit the public. Open mechanisms for the allocation of state-managed funds can ensure the appropriate use of these resources.

Equally important is the need for civil society to maintain impartiality and objectivity. NGOs must resist aligning with political factions and focus instead on their mission of promoting democratic values, accountability and social justice. This requires a cultural change in civil society, emphasizing honesty and courage over expediency.

The successes of civil society in other parts of the world offer valuable lessons for Bangladesh. During the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia in 1989, civil society organizations united various groups around democratic goals and achieved a peaceful transition from authoritarianism. Similarly, the role of civil society in transitional justice in Chile and Argentina in the 1990s highlights its ability to hold governments accountable and promote transparency.

These examples show that even in repressive environments, sustainable civil society institutions can bring about meaningful change. As Nelson Mandela aptly stated, “If we want any significant development, we must choose civil society.” For this to happen in Bangladesh, government institutions, the private sector and international development partners must work together to ensure that civic spaces remain open and vibrant.

The stakes of civil society in Bangladesh have never been greater. In the midst of increasing challenges to democracy, human rights and the rule of law, civil society must seize the situation. As noted by Larry Diamond, a noted political sociologist, civil society plays an important role in limiting state power, promoting participation, and advocating democratic values. These responsibilities are particularly pressing in Bangladesh, where the erosion of civil liberties threatens the fabric of democracy.

Civil society matters. Its role as the nation’s conscience cannot be overestimated. To safeguard democracy and ensure responsible governance, Bangladesh needs to protect and strengthen its civil society institutions.

Asinur Reza is the Program Coordinator for the South Asia Governance Program of the Asia Foundation. He can be reached at (email protected).

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.

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